Before 1994, the government in South Africa implemented policies that favoured the white population while ignoring the needs of the poor. During the apartheid regime in South Africa, government policies were designed to benefit a privileged minority. The water policy was no different in this regard. According to Weaver et al. (2017), the management of the country’s water resources was geared towards benefiting the wealthy, rather than improving the lives of those living in poverty. Wealthy municipalities and towns were provided with access to water sources and sewage systems along racial lines, favouring the white community (Adom, Simatele & Reid 2023; Nkabane & Nzimakwe 2018). South Africa has used its social capital to safeguard its water resources by developing large-scale water transport systems, such as the Orange-Fish Sunday River transfer in the 1950s and the Lesotho Highlands Water Project in 1986.

The legacy of apartheid created a challenging situation for the democratic government elected in 1994. At that time, approximately 12 million to 14 million people did not have access to a formal water supply, while 21m individuals, out of a total population of 41m, lacked formal sanitation (DWAF 1999). The majority of these individuals resided in former homeland areas, where 75% of the population was concentrated on just 13% of the land, which was largely water scarce.

The lack of access to water services in black communities compared to their white counterparts has been a historical issue (Van Eeden & Khaba 2016). Nkabane and Nzimakwe (2018) also noted that previous white local municipalities maintained separate income accounts for their governed black townships and did not provide adequate support for these areas. The impact of water scarcity is closely linked to the historical legacy of colonialism and apartheid, which systematically marginalised black communities and denied them equitable access to water resources (Kaziboni 2022:28). Most municipalities and townships have made efforts to provide a basic level of services to their residents (Nkabane & Nzimakwe 2018:55). The distribution of water was often facilitated through a standpipe, while those with in-yard or in-house connections were typically charged a flat monthly fee during the apartheid era.

As the country’s political climate grew increasingly unstable, the black majority turned to a civil disobedience strategy, as Scheuerman noted (2018). This involved a collective refusal to pay for public utilities like water and electricity, known as the ‘culture of non-payment’ (Van Schalkwyk 2012). To avoid further exacerbating political tensions, the government chose to overlook the lack of payment and continued to provide essential services (Tucker, Le Borgne & Lotti 2010). However, tensions arose between various civil and political groups over the role of black-controlled local councils in collecting revenue and providing services.

South African water management is integrated into three levels of government: national, provincial and local. The Constitution mandates them to observe and apply the principles of cooperative governance and intergovernmental relations while developing and implementing policies and carrying out their functions (Madumo & Koma 2019:582; Simo 2014). The South African Constitution of 1996 acknowledges that each sphere of government has its unique character but emphasises that these spheres are interdependent and interrelated in their role of water resource management. The cooperative government connection binds all spheres of government and emphasises the principle of participatory decision-making in water management (Khangala, Madumo & Tshiyoyo 2023).

The White Paper on Water and Sanitation was issued in 1994, with an emphasis on ensuring that all South Africans have access to basic water supply (DWAF 2004). The South African water sector institutional landscape aims to provide rural areas with potable water and electricity by 2025 (Claassen, Funke & Nienaber 2013). Water supply in South Africa is characterised by both achievements and challenges, with significant concern in the rural areas of Limpopo province (Apraku, Morton & Gyampoh 2021).

The National Water Act 36 of 1998 (NWA) fosters water use that is efficient, sustainable and beneficial. The NWA considers both fundamental human needs and the development of equitable access to water. The NWA regulates raw water extraction licences and Water Service Authority (WSAs)’ responsibilities as water users. This section of the code also governs the disposal of wastewater into a water source.

The necessary data were collected from the WSAs using the Regulatory Performance Measurement Systems (RPMS) approach to assess WSA performance against 11 regulatory key performance indicators (KPIs) set out in the National Water Services Regulatory Standard (NWSRS) and to identify trends over time to promote professional standards in the sector. Figure 1 shows an illustration of the functions.

This method was used to analyse, assess and quantify the WSA’s performance against the KPIs. The WSA output was examined using KPI reports generated by the RPMS. The method scores point in favour of regulation or non-enforcement by monitoring the progress of regulatory actions (RAs) and action plans (APs), and it addresses non-compliance. Finally, when corrective action has been taken to address noncompliance, performance is reviewed, assessing both the effectiveness of RA and the performance of WSA management.

Government grants empower municipalities as instruments for infrastructural development and service delivery in rural areas (Makgamatho 2017; Rangwato, Mukonza & Molepo 2022). Local Government (LG) has encountered massive backlogs in terms of service delivery provisioning, which hampers the acceleration of economic growth (Matabane 2017). Rangwato et al. (2022) alluded that the Municipal Infrastructure Grants (MIG) is an initiative allowance that is provided by the government to municipalities to improve service delivery by maintaining existing and dilapidated infrastructure.

The implementation of MIG was premised on municipal service delivery backlogs and poor or inadequate collection of service levies and rent, which in turn hampers the ability of the MMLM to render services. The MIG also has its challenges such as failure of implementation, a lack of community involvement and late disbursement of funds, among others, and therefore backlogs remain when it comes to service provision (Carewood 2019:126).

According to data from the South African Police Service (SAPS), there are an average of four to five violent anti-government protests in South Africa each day (Ives & Lewis 2020). To be clear, Water Service Delivery (WSD) issues became more prominent among the many justifications cited for protests. For this reason, poor service delivery is also blamed on the deployed officials to positions that they are not qualified for. Community protests are also a result of this, which makes it more difficult to provide essential services like water to the community (Municipal IQ 2019). South Africans have had a unique kind of social contract, which was established after independence in 1994 (Breakfast, Bradshaw & Nomorwayi 2019).

The social contract theory is based on the premise that the government was going to deliver social and economic benefits to South Africa’s citizens. This would include free access to health care, education and effective service delivery by municipalities (Breakfast et al. 2019). The ineptitude of the government in providing basic services such as potable water has been among other reasons why there have been several protests reported across the country (Ngcamu 2019).

The social contract theory provides a framework regarding how people live together according to an agreement that establishes moral and political rules of behaviour (Loewe, Zintle & Houdret 2021). Furthermore, in its application, the Constitution binds both the public and private sectors. According to Arato (2017:63), despite the ideals enshrined in the Constitution and other related policy documents, some believe that South Africa’s social contract is non-existent. For example, in recent history, some instances of civil unrest were observed in the Limpopo province of South Africa, in Vuwani town, MMLM.

According to Nkuna and Shai (2018), these protests were largely because of public dissatisfaction with the incorporation of Vuwani and some parts of Thulamela settlements into a single municipality. Nkuna and Shai (2018) argue that these violent protests, which mostly manifested in the destruction of schools and other public infrastructure, could be analysed in terms of the psychosocial and socio-economic aspects that defined the people of Vuwani town and Thulamela in 2016. At the centre of this unrest were feelings of human rights violations. Among other public property destroyed during this unrest were some water supply establishments, which also worsened the already challenged public service environment in Limpopo (Maseko 2014:12; Rakubu, Masuku & Madima 2023).

According to StatsSA (2020), between 2002 and 2018, the percentage of households with access to a better supply of water increased by fewer than 4% points (growing from 84.4% to 88.2%). The Eastern Cape province (+17.8%) and KwaZulu-Natal province (+10%) saw the most significant rises. Despite these significant gains, water access decreased in five provinces between 2002 and 2019. The largest decline was observed in Mpumalanga (-5.3%), Limpopo (-3.8%) and the Free State (-3.7%) (StatsSA 2020). In 2019, an estimated 44.9% of families had access to piped water in their homes. Another 28.5% drank water on site, while 12.2% drank from communal taps and 2.5% from the taps of their neighbours (StatsSA 2020). In 2019, 3.1% of families had to gather water from rivers, streams, stagnant water pools, dams, wells and springs despite substantial improvements in household access to water (StatsSA 2020).

Municipalities in South Africa are divided into three categories according to Chapter 7, Section 155 of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa 1996: metropolitan municipalities (Category A), local municipalities (Category B) and district municipalities (Category C). Local municipalities share executive and legislative authority with the district municipality in whose jurisdiction they are located, whereas metropolitan municipalities have sole executive and legislative authority within their jurisdictions.

The MMLM is a Category B municipality in the Limpopo province. Modimolle-Mookgophong Local Municipality was formally established by Section 12 of the Limpopo Provincial Gazette No: 2735, titled ‘Notice in terms of Section 512 of the Local Government: Municipal Buildings Act, 117 of 1998’, which addresses the disestablishment of existing municipalities and the establishment of new ones, dated 22 July 2016 (see Figure 2). The municipality covers 10 497 square kilometers and has a population of approximately 110 000 people, accounting for 20.2% of the district’s population. Following its merger, the municipality remained a Category B municipality (MMLM IDP 2020/2021).

According to Statistics South Africa’s 2016 community census, the Waterberg District Municipality had a population of 107 699, including 28 977 residents in MMLM. A total of 17 265 households have access to water, with 6266 having piped water inside their homes, while 642 households lack access to piped water. Additionally, the water backlog remains at 4.7%, with 930 households still in need of water connections.

Water services management and delivery are widespread challenges in South African municipalities, particularly in local or category B2 municipalities, which often face the greatest difficulties in providing residential water services. According to Clifford-Holmes et al. (2018), these municipalities, defined by the Municipal Demarcation Board (2018) as local municipalities with large townships at their core, struggle significantly. These townships, originally designated under apartheid for African people, received minimal service delivery infrastructure, leading to ongoing challenges in water service provision (Jürgens et al. 2013).

Despite assurances from authorities that water shortages are being addressed, residents in the townships of MMLM continue to experience significant water supply issues. Marcatelli and Buscher (2019) argue that MMLM’s bulk water supply has not kept pace with demand, resulting in widespread water restrictions and shortages. The municipality has had to regulate water delivery because of limited resources, leading to restricted daily water flow through the distribution network (Modimolle Local Municipality 2019). As a result, residents frequently call on the government to provide water trucks to ensure access to sufficient water although these efforts often lead to interruptions lasting days or even weeks.

This study is conceptualised within the context of these challenges, focusing on the roles and responsibilities of local municipalities. Given that MMLM is a representative local municipality in South Africa, this background highlights the gap in research on water service provision in MMLM, which this study aims to address. By concentrating on the effectiveness of the MMLM mandate to supply water in the Modimolle and Mookgophong areas in Limpopo, this research seeks to contribute to improved water supply and public health. The literature indicates that access to clean water is crucial for reducing the disease burden, and this study aims to enhance life quality through better water supply and knowledge dissemination.

A mixed method was adopted for this study. This approach is generally defined as a combination of qualitative and quantitative approaches, providing both the depth and breadth of the phenomenon being studied (Dawadi, Shrestha & Giri 2021:27) A pragmatic paradigm was used for this study because it advocates a relational epistemology in which relationships in research are best determined by what the researcher deems appropriate for that particular study, a non-singular reality ontology in which there is no single reality, and all individuals have their unique interpretations of reality (Johnson & Christensen 2013; Makombe 2017; Okesina 2020).

To conduct an effective, efficient and ethical study of the population as a whole, a sample must be selected (Molepo 2013:73). The sample size cannot be determined when utilising non-probability sampling and is unknown until all the members have been chosen (Folley 2018). Selection continued until a large enough number was found. Previous literature has highlighted that the type of data analysis the researcher wishes to conduct may also impact the sample size (; Neuman 2011; Uttley 2019; Rahman 2023). Likewise, it was anticipated that the study would generate a significant amount of text, and a relatively small sample size was selected.

In this study, the researcher used probability and non-probability sampling techniques to select the samples for the study. Probability sampling was used to ensure the generalisability of findings and minimise selection bias, while non-probability sampling was used to provide qualitative depth and context. Both random sampling (n = 262) and purposive sampling (n = 5) methods were used to select the participants for the interviews and questionnaires to understand the context of water service delivery challenges among the community members of MMLM. Based on the research focus and objectives, the research population includes public sector professionals from the MMLM jurisdiction. These are specifically water services managers, public professionals, process controllers and their assistants. A number of ordinary middle-class households were provided with a questionnaire to complete. Non-probability sampling was therefore used to include all skilled employees responsible for water services management.

For this study, two instruments were used to collect data. The first instrument was the semi-structured interviews that provided sufficient information about people’s motivations and understanding of events, perceived feelings, attitudes and, more importantly, matters that provoked their thoughts about the effectiveness of MMLM in provisioning water services delivery in MMLM. The second instrument used was questionnaires to collect data from residents of MMLM. A Likert scale was used in the questionnaire and the respondents to this scale specified their level of agreement with 30 statements; however, some responses were omitted to align with the journal’s requirements. The number 1 at the beginning of the scale represented ‘strongly agree’, 2 = ‘agree’, 3 = ‘disagree’ and at the end of the scale the number 4 represented ‘strongly disagree’. Numerical and ‘Yes’ or ‘No’ questions were also added as options in the questionnaire. The data collected was able to address the research questions.

Data collected through the structured interviews were analysed using the thematic analysis method. The various themes and subcategories formulated through the analysis process allowed the researcher to interact with the data much simply and more effectively. The IBM Statistical Product and Service Solutions (SPSS) computer tool was utilised to analyse questionnaire data from community members. The software was chosen for this study because of its suitability for social science research, relative ease of use and comprehensive labelling (Folley 2018).

Ethical clearance for this study was obtained from the Tshwane University of Technology Faculty Committee for Research Ethics – Humanities with reference number FCRE/PM/STD/2022/06.

As per the MMLM IDP 2019–2020, the water and sanitation service norms and requirements include providing 24-h water supply, offering a free basic water supply of 10 kL/M/H and drawing water from sources within a radius of at least 200 m. The Donkerpoort Dam, Frikkie Geyser Dam, Magalies Water and boreholes are the water sources for MMLM. In addition, the municipality has two water catchment areas: Donkerpoort Dam and Frikkie Geyser Dam. There are a total of 35 borehole locations, distributed as follows: Roedtan (4), Thusang (2), Mookgophong township (9), Modimolle township (7), Perdelaagte Modimolle township (1), Mabaleng (2) and Mabatlane (9) (IDP 2019/2020).

Water Service Authorities (WSAs) and Water Services Providers (WSPs) are both used by the municipality. Water, on the other hand, is one of the most limited resources in the country, particularly in the Waterberg District. The area’s hydrology includes both surface and groundwater elements that might influence development, and the aridity of the Waterberg district can be a major limitation (Municipal IQ 2019). The majority of MMLM houses have access to water through yard connections, whereas all informal settlements in the MMLM obtain water through communal taps and tankers, which is a challenge for residents and draws enough interest to encourage investigation through the use of research study.

Modimolle-Mookgophong Local Municipality caters to four areas, namely, Modimolle, Mookgophong, Mabatlane and Mabaleng. The source and amount of water used in each town are described below. Modimolle is a town within MMLM and on average the town makes use of approximately 12 mL per day (Marcatelli & Buscher 2019). This town gets its water supply from the Donkerpoort Dam, which supplies about 40% of the total water used in the town. Modimolle also gets its water supply from 10 boreholes that contribute an amount of 1.56 mL per day (Marcatelli & Buscher 2019). Out of the required 12 mL, the combined system of boreholes and the dam are providing an average total system input of 7 mL per day, leaving the system with a shortfall of 5 mL/day (42%). There is an additional 0.12 mL that is supplied daily by private companies (MMLM, Annual Report, 2019/2020). However, the system remains severely constrained and incapable of meeting the existing demand. Modimolle-Mookgophong Local Municipality is therefore left with no option but to implement water rationing.

Mookgophong town’s water supply is from Welgevonden Dam as well as the Nyl River Wellfield (Boreholes) (Vermeulen & Lipholo 2010). The town’s current demand is 9 mL per day, with 5.1 mL per day (43%). This leaves the system with a shortfall of 3.9 mL per day (43%). There are 19 boreholes that are supplementing the system; however, they are prone to electrical and mechanical faults, causing substantial operational costs (MMLM, Annual Report 2018/2019). There is an additional 0.12 mL that is also supplied daily by private companies (MMLM, Annual Report 2019/2020). Mabatlane gets its water supply from 9 boreholes. According to the MMLM annual report (2020), 7 out of 9 of these boreholes are operational and have a storage capacity of 3–4 mL per day. The town has an average system of 1.56 mL per day, with a demand of 3.4 mL per day, leaving a shortfall of 1.8 mL per day (52%) (MMLM, Annual Report 2018/2019). The boreholes supplying the municipality are owned by a private company and the municipality is billed regularly. The last town is Mabaleng, which receives its water supply from two boreholes, with one operating and having a storage capacity of 2.5 mL per day (MMLM, Annual Report 2019/2020). Since the building of the wastewater plant and the installation of waterborne sanitation systems, demand has surged in this area. However, the current supply is sufficient to meet demand.

Because of financial limits as represented in the municipal budget, MMLM had shortfalls in the provision of basic services to its constituents. Basic community services were addressed, with a focus on bulk supply and distribution network enhancement.

Findings reveal that the MMLM is not effective in provisioning water services delivery to the community because of the municipality only having operation and maintenance personnel, and these staff members perform the operation and maintenance function that is performing at about 30% of its potential. The municipality does not have personnel qualified to run at a Water Services Authority level as P1 elaborated:

P2 also elaborated:

According to P3:

Modimolle-Mookgophong Local Municipality WSA’s inability to provide tap water to all households has led to illegal connections within the municipality. According to the MMLM annual report (2020), the municipality has been affected by outdated infrastructure when it comes to water service delivery. Infrastructure refers to the basic physical and organisational structures and facilities. P4 stated that:

P5 also elaborated:

The structured questionnaire was completed by the participants anonymously and was administered in the presence of the researcher. Two hundred and sixty-two of the three hundred planned survey participants completed their questionnaires. The following analysis and discussions of the quantitative study are based on the questions asked.

In response to the question about their main water source, respondents provided the following answers: 26% indicated that they obtain water from a communal tap located more than 200 m away or that they have no access to water, 14% stated that they get water from a communal tap less than 200 m away, 11% mentioned that they have metered in-house supply or a yard standpipe, 9% receive water from a neighbour’s house, 23% rely on municipal water trucks, 12% have a borehole water supply and 5% gather water from a river or well (see Figure 3). These findings indicate that the majority of respondents are experiencing inadequate water service.

According to the survey, 8% of respondents use 1–2 buckets of water per day, 23% use 3–4 buckets, 45% use 5–6 buckets, 21% use 7–8 buckets and 3% use 9–10 buckets. This shows that most respondents use at least 4–6 buckets per day, depending on the size of their household.

When asked about the duration of water supply interruptions, 41% of respondents reported experiencing interruptions lasting 1 to 2 days, while 17.5% reported 7-day interruptions. Additionally, 24% of respondents experienced interruptions lasting 2 weeks, and another 17.5% reported interruptions lasting a month (see Figure 5). This suggests that only a small number of community members experience long-term water supply interruptions, while the majority only experience short-term interruptions.

The recommendations of the study are based on the analysis, findings and key conclusions drawn. These suggest how the MMLM can be effective in the provisioning of water services. These recommendations are based on the interaction of the researcher and MMLM as an institution during the period of study.

To provide quality and uninterrupted water to its community, the MMLM must prioritise infrastructure improvement. This will enable the MMLM to effectively and efficiently meet its water demands. The municipal budget should also allocate funds for the maintenance of this infrastructure to ensure continuous water provision.

The Municipal Water Board must enhance revenue through proper billing systems and regular maintenance. Currently, the water and sanitation sector are under-financed, leading to poor revenue and inadequate investment in infrastructure upkeep. These issues have caused the deterioration and eventual collapse of municipal water infrastructure. To prevent water service backlogs, the MMLM should allocate a budget for infrastructure maintenance.

One effective approach is to commercialise water utilities in MMLM. Literature indicates that commercial utilities (CUs) facilitate clearer role definitions among stakeholders in the water services industry. For example, CUs are typically responsible for providing water services, demonstrating a more structured and efficient management system.

Governance challenges, such as insufficient funding and a lack of capacity at the municipal level, have hindered the fulfilment of socio-economic rights and the implementation of policies. These issues have led to inadequate progress in achieving the goals for delivering essential water services. To address this, capacity development initiatives should be tailored to the municipality’s specific needs, which can be identified through a formal needs assessment. It is recommended that resources be directed towards systematic reviews, such as the framework for RPMS, to ensure that projects have a meaningful impact on the delivery of water services.

The local government’s civil engineering capacity is critically low, affecting the ability to deliver, operate and maintain infrastructure sustainably. The number of engineers has drastically decreased from 20 per 100 000 people in 1994 to just three per 100 000 people, highlighting a severe shortage. To ensure effective water service delivery, it is imperative to employ more engineers and enhance municipal capacity.

Improving service delivery requires municipalities to expand their range of skills. Enhanced communication between the municipality and citizens can help service providers better understand and address community needs. Better financial planning is crucial for optimising the use of available funds, and improved technical skills will lead to more efficient delivery of municipal services.

To support these improvements, the municipality’s Human Resource Management should prioritise hiring skilled and experienced individuals capable of implementing policies and strategies to improve water services. Additionally, the Water Services Authority of MMLM should establish learnerships and internships to train candidates, helping the Authority become fully operational. These measures will significantly benefit the municipality and its service delivery.

Cost recovery in low-income areas has been a significant challenge for the municipality. To address this issue, Department of Water Affairs (DWA) and the Department of Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs should provide support. Budgetary constraints and a lack of payment for services are key factors affecting municipal performance. In some communities, there is a misconception that municipal services are free, but residents must ultimately pay for the services they receive.

Effective financial planning and pricing in the water sector require a balanced approach to revenue generation, combining water use charges, tariffs, grants and transfers for sustainable cost recovery. Commercialisation is needed in the MMLM to improve the collection of rates for services.

Commercial utilities in Zambia provide a useful model, as they have successfully enhanced their service delivery capabilities, including customer complaint handling, billing, customer relations and maintaining water quality, pressure, and flow. As expected in a commercialised setting, revenue collection has seen the most significant improvements among these utilities.

Community members should be actively encouraged to participate in local government matters. This involvement ensures they are informed about the municipality’s strategies to address challenges they face. For example, issues like illegal water connections, which hinder effective water supply in the MMLM, can be identified and addressed at the community level. Community members play a crucial role in reporting such illegal activities.

Other African countries, such as Uganda, provide successful models of community involvement. In Uganda, communities participate in local government through consultative approaches, including mass meetings. Similarly, in Mbabane, community mass meetings ensure information reaches even the lowest levels of the community. These meetings brief residents on key development projects and other local concerns.

Implementing similar approaches in MMLM can enhance community involvement in local government issues, leading to more effective water provisioning. By fostering a collaborative relationship between the municipality and its residents, MMLM can better address and resolve local challenges.