This section covers the findings and the analytical aspects of the article.

Electoral systems play an important role in fostering ethical and responsible democratic governance. The mixed-member PR system employed in eThekwini promotes political parties to submit different candidates, hence increasing inclusion and representation. Tshishonga (2019) contends that this system also encourages coalition building and consensus, which are necessary for stable and effective governance. By guaranteeing that all votes are counted and minority groups are represented, the system develops an accountability and responsiveness culture among elected leaders (Wu et al. 2024).

Effective electoral systems provide clear mandates to elected officials (ed. Hutchcroft 2020), allowing voters to hold them accountable for their actions and decisions. Caselli and Falco (2022) argue that when voters comprehend how their votes translate into political power, they can effectively assess the performance of their representatives. Ellenbroek (2024) notes that PR tends to improve voter turnout because people believe their ballots have greater weight in influencing results. In this regard, higher levels of participation can increase pressure on elected leaders to be more transparent and ethical. Thorlakson (2020) mentions that mixed electoral systems can limit executive authority by guaranteeing that no single party controls the legislature. This equilibrium creates an atmosphere in which ethical considerations must take precedence over party objectives.

Electoral systems are vital for advancing ethical and responsible democratic governance in eThekwini Municipality by guaranteeing equitable representation, enhancing transparency and motivating active citizen engagement (Nene 2019). The PR system implemented in the municipality allows various political parties and community interests to be heard in local governance. This inclusiveness diminishes power concentration and lessens chances for corruption, promoting a more ethical governance framework. The system promotes accountability through structures such as ward committees, serving as venues for citizens to interact with elected representatives (Sibiya 2017). These committees promote openness in local government by offering a straightforward way for residents to voice concerns, track decisions and ensure leaders are accountable for their actions. Moreover, participatory governance frameworks foster a sense of collective responsibility among officials and communities, improving ethical decision-making (Mbambo 2005). Moreover, ensuring that electoral processes comply with the South African Constitution and the Municipal Systems Act strengthens ethical governance by incorporating values of transparency, accountability and public involvement into municipal functions (Vilane 2017). This system guarantees that public servants must act in the best interests of their constituents and stay accountable for their choices.

Through elections, the local populace is afforded golden opportunities for participation, particularly in electing their representatives into office. In this context, Boulding and Holzner (2021) argue that participation should not end with the elections but should also be a process that structurally incorporates the voices of communities at the local level. Within the context of liberal representative democracy, representation and participation form part of the fundamental pillars within which the democratic right to vote is exercised by citizens. Within a constitutional dispensation, Junior and Salgado (2021) consider elections as one of the core elements whereby such democratic right is exercised by citizens based on a universal adult franchise. In political science, the political process and elections are regarded as the main avenues for democratic accountability. Otegbeye (2016) designates elections as a decisive element within democratic regimes in the sense that a government’s continuation in office is subject to the ‘will of the people’ as manifest at the ballot box.

Since 2021, eThekwini Municipality like other metros has been run through the Government of National Unity with the ANC having lost absolute power. For example, ANC got 56.01% followed by Democratic Alliance (DA) with 26.92%, Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) with 4.2% and finally Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) with 3.44%. The 2021 local government elections drastically decline with ANC-42.02% followed by DA-24.62%, EFF at 10.48% and IFP having obtained on 7.17%. The results demonstrate a considerable movement in voter preferences over time. In 2016, the ANC won 56.01% of the vote, obtaining 126 seats (Engel 2016). The DA followed with 26.92% and 61 seats, while the IFP and EFF received 4.2% and 3.44% of the votes, respectively (Rulea 2018). In 2021, the ANC’s supremacy was waning, obtaining 42.02% of the votes and 96 seats. The DA’s share dropped slightly to 25.62%, securing 59 seats. The article by Simpson (2021) on eThekwini Election Results revealed that EFF saw a significant increase in support, acquiring 10.48% of the votes and 24 seats, while the IFP also increased its share to 7.13%, winning 16 seats. The findings show a significant drop in support for the ANC, the region’s previously dominant party. According to Sebola (2016), municipal elections signalled a shift in South Africa’s political landscape, with the rise of the DA and EFF. This shift reflects broader socio-political dynamics, including dissatisfaction with service delivery and governance issues. The importance of elections is further illustrated as a democratic avenue upon which not only the local political parties can contest for political leadership but also a powerful tool in the hands of the citizens to claim their voice and citizenship.

The mixed-member proportional (MMP) representation system provides several chances to strengthen democratic government (Linhart, Raabe & Statsch 2019). The structure of MMP frequently results in coalition administrations, which can stimulate collaboration among various political groups (Högström & Dahlberg 2023). This need for collaboration can foster consensus building and more moderate policy results because parties must negotiate and compromise to rule effectively. It creates a more inclusive and representative council by combining the benefits of both constituency-based and PR methods (Linhart & Eichhorn 2024). The complexity of MMP might inspire higher voter participation, as voters may believe their votes have more weight under a proportional system. This can lead to increased turnout and a more politically active citizenry. Sisay (2016) highlights that this method promotes political variety by ensuring that minority perspectives are heard, resulting in a more balanced and equitable governing structure.

Furthermore, it promotes accountability because ward councillors are directly accountable to their residents, whereas party-list councillors provide wider party representation (Wu et al. 2024). The mixed electoral system also fosters accountability among elected leaders. Ward councillors are directly accountable to their citizens because they are chosen by the voters in their respective wards (Mgolozeli 2018). This direct responsibility pushes councillors to respond to the needs and concerns of their residents. On the other hand, the PR system holds political parties accountable to their larger voter base because their representation in the council is directly proportionate to the percentage of votes they get (De Jager 2021). However, the PR system is compromised through the politicisation of the local governance political system.

The chosen electoral system in democratic South Africa is fundamentally influenced by the society envisaged by all citizens, which is non-racist, non-sexist and democratic (South Africa. The Republic of South Africa 1996). It is therefore not surprising that the South African constitution is a distinctive product of the transition process with … inclusive structures of various public commissions, boards, councils and virtually every public institution reflecting these attempts to be as inclusive and representative as possible. In this regard, Thaheer (2017) highlights that ‘the electoral system of PR was designed to ensure that minority parties were not voiceless and that parliament was widely representative’. At the national and provincial, electorates elect representatives who are delegated to occupy political office as PR and ward councillors within the council. In this regard, the municipal council is the highest body charged with the core responsibilities of ensuring that legislations are passed, the executive and organs of state are scrutinised and oversight is provided (Uhr & Wanna 2020). Its role also includes the facilitation of public facilitation and involvement in the legislative and other processes (Rose et al. 2020). Through the municipal council, councillors are empowered by the constitution and other parliamentary policies to discharge their mandate of deliberating and passing by-laws aimed at addressing societal predicaments. At eThekwini, the council is composed of 220 councilors whom 110 are elected through the PR-electoral system, while the remaining 110 are elected via the constituency-electoral system (eThekwini Municipality IDP 2024–2025).

Through a proportional representative system, periodically citizens elect their representatives who in turn are obliged to act on people’s mandate and behaviour in a manner that does not compromise the ideals of democracy (De Jager 2021). In support of the PR system, Lika (2021) indicates that the strength of the PR system is its inclusiveness as the proportion of parties indirectly reflects the vote, and the closed list system enhances the representation of smaller parties and constituencies such as ethnic minorities and women. It should be noted that South Africa is a diverse and heterogeneous society with different races, agendas, religious affiliations, ethnic groupings and cultural backgrounds and the suitability of the PR system is based on its capacity to accommodate diverse political parties that would have no chance to be part of the electoral democracy if other electoral methods were to be used (Picard & Mogale 2015).

According to Good Governance Africa’s (GGA) (2024) Governance Performance Index (GPI), eThekwini confronts administration and governance difficulties, notwithstanding its capabilities in economic development projects. eThekwini has seen significant political turbulence, including the recall of former Mayor Zandile Gumede over corruption charges (Khambule 2022). This volatility has impeded efficient government and service delivery. Mantzaris (2022) posits that the municipality runs with a hung council, complicating governing dynamics and necessitating coalition formation and compromise. This occurs when no single party wins an absolute majority, resulting in a fractured political environment in which coalition building and compromise become critical for effective rule.

Despite its capabilities, eThekwini Municipality confronts substantial governance issues. Political instability, administrative inefficiency and service delivery failures are widespread challenges (Mnguni & Subban 2022). The municipality has failed to obtain clean audits, showing ongoing financial mismanagement and a lack of accountability. Furthermore, the hung council scenario complicates decision-making processes and impedes effective governance. For Gwala (2023), addressing these difficulties requires sustained efforts to increase administrative capacity, boost transparency and maintain political stability.

Corruption remains a prevalent concern in the town (Rajah 2016). According to reports, fraudulent acts damage public trust and take money away from important services (Jori 2023). Corruption is frequently the result of inadequate supervision measures and a lack of openness in municipal operations. Rajah (2016) adds that the governance system is significantly affected by party-political goals, which often result in confrontations between ward councillors and central council decisions. This politics can impair efficient local government and service delivery. Despite the architecture providing for decentralised decision-making through ward committees, eThekwini’s governance remains relatively centralised (Sibiya 2017). This centralisation reduces local input and responsiveness to community needs. For Robbins (2019), the municipality’s organisational structure has been criticised for inefficiencies and a lack of accountability mechanisms.

Compared to forms of political electoral systems, it could be said that PRs without elected representatives being held accountable have the potential to lead to a democratic deficit as espoused by scholars such as Issacharoff (2018) and Okoli, Nebeife and Izang (2021). In this regard, Nicoli (2020) defines a democratic deficit as a growing lack of identification with democratic norms in liberal democracies while Okoli et al. (2021) argue that the democratic deficit refers to the shortcomings of democratic practice in comparison to democratic aspirations. The deepening of the democratic deficit has also contributed to citizens losing trust in their elected representatives and political parties (Hilbrich 2022). In the case of eThekwini, the democratic deficit is compounded by infighting within the coalition arrangement (Mantzaris 2022). Consequently, while some people have the guts to demand political accountability by embarking on strikes and demonstrations (Ragolane 2022), others have decided to withhold their votes by boycotting the elections. This situation is reflective of the disillusionment and marginalisation under which people found themselves with no or little hope in public institutions. Thus, the current liberal political system instead of democratising development and democracy has created marginalisation by excluding people from meaningful participation. Thus, the democratic deficit is further compounded by systematic and structural deficiencies, overlapping power between the political and administrative and a lack of accountability and transparency (Bambo 2023).

Representatives such as councilors who are elected through the PR system find themselves serving two masters (Bambo 2023). Elected representatives are first and foremost accountable to their respective political parties who enlisted them in the candidate lists and second to the electorates who voted them into power (Amtaika 2013). Since the dawn of the democratic dispensation, local government was not only inaugurated as the sphere of government but also was given democratic and developmental functions. However, this democratic and developmental mandate is often undermined by the growing gap existing between democracy’s promises and people’s expectations and experiences further exacerbated by the democratic deficit, inequality, corruption and socio-economic exclusion (Brooks 2023).

Through a proportional representative electoral system, eligible citizens are privileged to vote for political parties and in turn appoint representatives based on their respective party lists (Marku 2023). The irony of the PR system is that political parties wield excessive power and influence and the people who voted them into power ended up with no real power either to make binding decisions or influence such decisions. Proportional representation according to Däubler (2020) results in the absence of a direct linkage between individual councillors and their constituencies. This arrangement renders the situation complex if not impossible to hold councillors accountable. Weak political accountability in this scenario prevails despite councillors being assigned to their respective wards’ geographical constituencies. In the South African political landscape, the public non-accountability of elected representatives prompted the authors to advocate for electoral reform that would envisage the replacement of the PR system with one that would allow for more direct accountability to the people.

This system does not only make it impossible for people to hold the politicians and their respective parties accountable but also allows politicians free reign whereby they disregard to fulfil the people’s mandate. Runji (2014:28) argues that the PR system is weak, especially in linking PR councillors to voters, above all it has no direct channels of accountability. Political accountability renders both the potential candidates and political parties contesting the elections legitimate. In past elections, concern relating to the ability of elections to hold the government accountable.

Democracy by its very nature is the government by the people for the people and elections serve to inaugurate it. This statement underlies the process of democratising democracy in favour of the governed through elections. For Landa and Pevnick (2020), representative democracy is intrinsically linked to elections and voting elections. In this context, elections serve to make government, forming government directly or indirectly. In the case of South Africa, Cheeseman, Lynch and Willis (2021) locate the role of elections being about the ability of the voters to choose public representatives who can represent their political and other aspirations through the ballot box.

Despite all election promises, the post-election period is characterised by a lack of transparency and accountability especially to those elected into office (also see Cebekhulu 2018). The myth that the elected will act on people’s behalf rapidly disappears and the state of ‘lulla moment’ is accompanied by a culture of entitlement and corruption. This situation is also attributed to people’s compliance and over-trusting of their elected representatives without demanding transparency and accountability. Goss (2001:57) highlights this dilemma by stating that ‘people inside local government and other public agencies have often done their best to meet local needs but have been imprisoned by party politics.

In the case of eThekwini, it could be argued that the adoption of this electoral system has in one way failed the people and rendered them a peripheral status, especially at the local government level. In the municipality, various mechanisms such as ward committees and independent development plans (IDP) have been established to promote interactive governance and public participation. These institutionalised spaces have the common purpose of defending local democracy and protecting the rights of citizens; unfortunately, such structures have failed the poor and economically less privileged (Koza 2021). Within eThekwini Municipality, some of the contributory factors to the failure of local governance are politicisation, lack of resources and impartiality (Thakhathi 2024). Consequently, ordinary people have decided to utilise ‘informal oversight structures’ primarily to ensure social justice prevails and democracy is defended. Mubangizi and Tshishonga (2013:310) argue that in South Africa, these ‘informal oversight structures’ manifest themselves in what has come to be called ‘public service delivery protests’.

What is clear is that service delivery protests are principally about the lack of basic services and inadequate local administration (Mamokhere 2020). However, communities see these protests as a means of gaining the attention of the media, the politicians and the bureaucrats (Erlich et al. 2021). They can attract attention because they deploy such tactics as the use of stay-always and barricades with flaming tyres, the destruction of private and public property and the intimidation of non-sympathetic community members (Mubangizi & Tshishonga 2013). While informal and often (unfortunately) violent, such processes act as a form of oversight because they generally succeed in spurring officials and politicians alike into action and induce them to act with caution in the future.

Central to free and fair elections within the representative democracy is the activation of active and responsible citizenship. Elections are a structured opportunity for citizens to exercise their democratic rights. Even in the democratic dispensation, the legacy of apartheid manifests itself through the persistence of poverty, unemployment and income inequality known also as ‘evil triplets’ (Mostert & Young 2019). Terriblanche (2012:101) argues that the interaction of poverty, unemployment and inequality not only entrenches and aggravates these people’s predicament but also intensifies the burden of their deprivation. Post-apartheid, these challenges still haunt the new regime and its bureaucrats, especially in uprooting exclusionary politics based on racial, gender and ethnic affiliation. The adoption of PR did not only create dependency on goods and services but also contributed to dependent and irresponsible citizenship.

At the local government level, the dependency syndrome is a result of the emerging culture of entitlement and greed, which are also perpetuated by ANC’s cadre deployment policy aimed at giving ANC hegemony over the government and society (Jeffery 2023). Cadre deployment has been blamed for dysfunctional municipalities in South Africa (Shopola & Juta 2024). People at the local government level are rising to claim their citizenship and basic services such as housing, health care, water and energy (Bambo 2023). People’s growing dissatisfaction with the pace of service delivery culminated in community-based protests as witnessed since the dawn of democracy (Yende 2024; Zulu 2023). Thus, the municipality’s ability to respond to the evolving needs of its communities, navigate socioeconomic dynamics and effectively engage with stakeholders is profoundly influenced by its organisational capacity (Poland et al. 2021). Comprehensive capacity building is key to unlocking the potential of municipalities to be effective and efficient in addressing the challenges at hand. For Durokifa et al. (2023), capacity building involves the process of improving people’s knowledge, abilities and resources so that they can perform their duties and obligations successfully. Durokifa et al. (2023) claim that building municipalities’ capacity can assist them to implement effective policies and mobilise resources needed for development initiatives. This includes funding, technical assistance and partnership with other stakeholders, public participation in decision-making and accountability. Additionally, monitoring and evaluating the progress, institutional strengthening, knowledge transfer and learning are crucial for build municipal capacity (Moodley 2019). For municipalities such as eThekwini to arrest this dire situation, capacity building and deployment of skilled, qualified and competent human resources is imperative. Interestingly, the paradox of the democratic political order is that it has managed to create people who are compliant with the status quo and those who are capable of challenging it.

Fundamental to a well-functioning democracy is the trust established between the citizens and the state. In the context of South Africa, this trust is anchored on people’s contracts in which the ANC was upfront in highlighting that local government alone cannot resolve the challenges of inequality and poverty (Levy et al. 2021). In politics, trust is a reciprocal process that is underpinned by a social contract binding to both the local state and citizens. Seabright, Stieglitz and Van der Straeten (2021) define social contract theory as a theory of government that traces the justification and origin of the state based upon a contractual agreement amongst members of a society. For Asogwa and Nnamchi (2020), the social contract is a glue that holds societies together. Vanberg (2016) designates a social contract as a tacit agreement under which citizens contribute their thinking to the government’s decisions and take some responsibility for those decisions once they are made. This social contract has underpinned the development of democracy and the representative form of democracy as exposed by Locke. Locke’s social contract theory is based on the principle of a ‘state of liberty, yet it is not a state of license’, where the government is obligated to develop binding laws for its citizens (Locke 1968:19). Social contract operates under representative democracy demands where people surrender their sovereignty to the government under the assumption that their elected public officials would use local state power, laws and resources to co-govern and meet their human needs (Mohale 2024). In this social contract, eThekwini Municipality governance through the amalgamation of invited spaces (such as ward committees, IDPs, War Rooms, etc.) as mechanisms for participatory governance and public participation (Bambo 2023; Tshishonga 2018). Thus, local government exists to build and maintain deliberative spaces for decentralised, democratised and developmental spheres of governance underpinned by accountability and transparent good governance principles (Mohale 2024; World Bank Group 2018). In representative democracy, the social contract is often weakened by elected representatives who default the democratic system by failing to be accountable to the electorates as the principal in the local governance equation.

In most municipalities including eThekwini Municipality, the social contract is broken, leading to the prevalence of strikes and mismanagement of both human and financial resources by politicians and officials. Some of the attributing reasons are because councillors are far removed from their constituencies while others prefer to migrate to urban areas as their residential areas. Local government is equated to social space which Savaşkan (2021) viewed as an arena of struggle constituted and divided by opposing interests rather than a centralised and unified political actor. Thus, mistrust at eThekwini manifests itself through poor service delivery and misgovernance which undermines the municipal culture of municipal governance that complements formal representative participatory government (eThekwini Municipality IDP 2024–2025). The betrayal of people’s trust has been costly in the sense that it contributed to violent protests coupled with property vandalism and the loss of citizens’ life of people under the watchful eye of the local government.